探討音樂歷史風格

Beethoven’s Influences of Symphony – 1

前言: 我已經常常說,香港的現代教育,簡直是混賬到極,不知所謂到不能忍受的地步。香港那所訓練未來老師的最高學府裡頭的 “教授” 們給了 assignment 同學,又驚同學們沒有時間做,又驚他們不識做,又驚題目出得深,就說叫他們抄書就可以了。我有一位私人學生急急 call 我,並告訴我看完 Palisca 那本 History textbook 天書,都沒有直接答案談及有 Beethoven 對後世音樂 和音樂家的影響。現在是江湖告急。嗚呼! 連那些修音樂為主科的學位學生,隨口也不能 present 十分鐘有關貝多芬對音樂的貢獻和影響,還敢說自己是讀音樂,懂音樂的嗎? 看著書本也不懂 “抄”,(應該是偷),怎辦? 我們常說,熟讀唐書三百首,不會吟詩也會 “抄” 嘛。坦白說,平時我指導這些私人學生,也常常提及不同作曲家和作品的風格特色和對後世的貢獻。些個同學是學 AMusTCL 考試研習的,Set piece 是 Schubert 的第五交響曲,我也談及過這首作品和 Beethoven 的交響作品的相同和不同的關係。我也曾教過同學,舒氏一生以 Beethoven 這位同期的前輩大師為學習對象,連死前也想學習 Counterpoint (這是Beethoven 最精,但 Schubert 最弱的技巧),皆因要寫偉大的交響曲,沒有精練的對位技巧是不行的。可是同學們就當私人老師是補鑊助理,”求其” 要他們改改 past paper 就算是跟他們學了。他們就只關心學校是否給他們一張證書,所以對校內的課就比較認真,私人嘛….嘿嘿….

正文:

Carl Dahlhaus suggested that the development of  symphony in the Romantic period could be described as circum-polar; composers had to response to or answer to, to more or less, the challenges and new trends by Beethoven. The following discussion is the Beethovean influences of the development of symphony.

First, large scale, and longer work: All symphonies have to be extended in order to express the aesthetics of  Romantic Sublimity. One of the elements that Romantic composers to deal with this expression was to create longer and larger work. In reception to  Beethoven’s lengthly symphony ninth, Malher, for instance, created symphonies of almost double the length of his predecessor.

Second, greater emotional contrasts: Emotinal content  of the materials ranged more widely than that used in the Classical symphony. Thanks should go to the emergence of the liberal humantistic idea of Individualism in 19th century Europe. Greater and deeper explorations on individual inner emotions were demanded by artists in their artistic creations, claiming for the relief of one’s sentimental burdens and immersed unexplainable passions. The common saying, ” I am not the best, though, I am different”  was undoubtedly the incentive for composers seeking their inner emotional expressions through the media of musical art. Symphony, regarded as the highest form of all arts, was taken-for-granted to act as a sharp weapon  to achieve this purpose. Beethoven not only expressed his “giant-tyrant” like personality and zeals through his “heroic” symphonies, such as symphony no. 3 and no. 5, but also exerted a large  impact on the later followed composers to investigate their thoughts, ideals and dreams of a higher socio-political level through the musical genre of symphony. Mendelossohn’s Symphony 5, Reformation, for instance, can be regarded as a response to the political turmoil  of the Post-revolutionary period in the 19th century Europe.

Third, Beethoven established the uniqueness of each symphony: each symphony had different aims and confronts different problems: What is a symphony? When classical composers seek to maintain a balance form and shape of a symphony with the use of sonata-allegro form as the first movement, then following by a contrast lyrical slow movment,  Beethoven attempted to extend such a rigid genre and structure by adding more weights on the coda and the last two movments. He replaced scherzo for Haydnean minuet, showing his inventive, however courageous, experiment to challenge the classical formality. How about the classical point of view of the balance of keys? What is the ultimate goal for such balance and well-proportion? Composers after Beeethoven would not hestitate to write any form of symphonic music that went far beyond the boundary of a conventional musical genre. If Beethoven could complete a symphony in five movements (symphony no. 6), instead of a standardized balance form of four movements, why not me! Perhaps, this can help us understand why Schubert ‘s symphony 5 in Bb major broke the normal rule of a sonata principle that the recapituation section returns in subdominant key, instead of the normal tonic key. It seems that this breakthrough just wanted to inform Schubert;s contemporary audience that there is no need to reolve dominant to tonic in sonata principle.

Fourth, The whole symphony becomes unified through its developing emotional content, outlining a psychological journey: To Haydn and Mozart of the Classical period, symphony, was not more than an instrumental piece to let different sounds sounding together. They wrote symphony for the patrons, for the rising middle-class  concerts. They wrote because audience liked it. Beethoven, on the other hand, wrote symphony for himself. According to Sir Grove,  Beethoven’s music never failed to depict a protrait of Beethoven himself. Symphony no. 3, for instance, although was written originally for the dedication to Bonaparte, an ideal hero liberating the layman people from political monarchy, was undoubtedly a sonic image of Beethoven himself. The music of this “Heroic” symphony can be realized as four stage of the growth of hero, say, first movement, is the born of a naive hero,  second movement, is the dead of  hero, third, is the resurrection of hero, and then the finale is the  triumphant of hero. While Beethoven wrote symphony to seek the issue of hero, Gustav Mahler, on the other hand, followed Beethoven to transcend symphony as a medium to explore the issues of life and death. Richard Strauss, though he wrote symphonic poem, instead of a conventional symphonic genre, tended to complete the ‘definition’ of ‘Hero’, after Beethoven’s attempt to do so, in his famous work ‘Heldenleben’, ‘The Life of a Hero.’ True, Beethovean effects prevails every sorts of musical work, ranging from a tiny toy-like miniature to a monumental symphony in the19th century up to the 20th century.

To Be Continued………..待續

David Leung (theorydavid)

2011-03-11 (published)

Biedermeier Culture

前言: 這兩年 AMusTCL的考試的 set piece,範例作品,是  Schubert  在 1816 年完成的 Bb 大調 交響曲第五號。由於這首作品的風格,跟舒氏自己在約五個月前寫作的交響曲第四號 ( 悲劇,Tragic),有很大的分別,樂隊編制也相對細少得可憐,很多聽眾都因而感到大為困惑。寫何在同一個時期寫作的作品會有這麼大的差距呢? 當我教授這首作品時,我就提出了當時在維也納一帶湧現的一個藝術風格,稱為 Biedermeier Style。我相信個算是比較突然出現,但看來不大持久 (1815-1830),並具有地域性限制的風格,是影響舒伯特寫作這首樂曲的主要來源。可是,何為 Biedermeier Style 呢? 同學相信可從以下簡論找得答案。

正文:

Biedermeier Culture (David Leung)
Few historians will deny that employing the single term “Romantic period” to characterize the European music of the 19th century, at least in the first half of the century, is problematic. While Hugo Riemann recognizes the presence of anti-Romantic or non-Romantic trends in music, one of his contemporaries, Walter Niemann, speaks of the “near-Romantic” composers such as Sphor and Kuhlau, who were in a lesser rank, though they also composed within this Romantic period. Such style has attracted greater scholarly attention in the recent studies of German literary, art history, and music history, and has been labelled the “Biedermeier” style, which emerged in the year immediately following the French Revolution and its Napoleonic aftermath. The Biedermeier style is characterized as a retreat from Romantic striving and pathos, an abhorrence of excess in all forms, and a love of bourgeois tranquility, and it also concerns the things of everyday, modesty, decorum a reverence for the past, and the idea of self-improvement. Carl Dahlhaus, a modern German Musicologist, regards Biedermeier as a kind of culture and an artistic life which coincided with the 19th century Romanticism as its sister movement.
Since the intrinsic value of Biedermeier is “realistic”, rustic, domestic, and in favor of restoring the revered past, the Biedermeier music is based upon the classical model enchanted with somewhat noble simplicity and elegance, which easily associates with the Mozartean beauty. The Biedermeier thematic melody tends to favor the uses of classical topos and the phrases are usually short-breathed, easily assimilated with turns of phrase and gesture borrowed from the past. The graceful ornaments commonly found in music often retain much of the shape and expressive gestures of their Mozartean antecedents and are more concerns of an attractive melodic surface than an expression of a strong personal feeling. Even the employment of chromatic materials in music tends to be localized (within a diatonic framework) and ornamental, more than structural. As a result, at the turn of the 18th century when Romanticism started to play a leading role in all kinds of art, the Biedermeier music was written to conform to the stylistic expectation of 19th century “public”, and to embody the cultural aspiration of the conservative side of the society. Its essence and values originate in its appeal to and its comprehensibility by the rising middle class. Through the Biedermeier music, the disappearing musical conventions of the Classical era reappeared and were restored in a nostalgic haze, by which the aesthetics and core values of the music of the previous era thus were temporarily redeemed.
David Leung (theorydavid)
2011-03-09 (published)

中國音樂的現代化綜論 (4) — 中國現代化音樂的代表作品: 賀綠汀的"牧童短笛"

前言: 這篇文章接上一篇討論民國初年的中國音樂怎樣經歷現代化的經過。這次跟讀者談談第一首被介紹到在國際的音樂界上,並得以揚名的中國現代化鋼琴小品 — 賀綠汀的牧童短笛。早前曾述說過陶傑所喜愛的一個中國歷史時代,也就是我所喜歡的同一年代 — 民國初年。我也曾說過,民國初年 (五四之後至1937 年中日戰爭開始時),就像一位風華絕代的中年美女,充滿使人感到醇醉的千嬌百媚和風情萬種。只因這個時代是中華民族在藝術文化音樂的各個領域裡經歷真正現代化的時期,或者,更應該說是對峙著西方式的現代化 (western modernization) 衝激。在音樂發展上,是中國傳統音樂接受西方音樂的洗禮的里程埤。我所談及的風韻醇醉,就是從這個音樂現代化開始。賀綠汀的牧童短笛 就是用西方的和聲概念,套以中國民族的五聲音階,以變化了的對位技巧寫成的。敬請各同學留意,不要 copy-and-paste。但 idea 就不妨拿來參巧一下。

Romanticize Buffalo Boy’s Pentatonic Flute

In 1934, just two weeks after winning the champion of the national Chinese composition competition by his piano work, Buffalo’s Boy’s flute (牧童短笛), He Luting boldly criticized the current situation of Chinese musical field. When criticizing the camp of guocui protectionism (national quintessence protectionism), He Luting (賀綠汀) wrote, “Chinese is stubbornly old-fashioned. They regard that everything must be adhered to antique, especially in music and painting. We believe that we have to model on antique. A work is said to be elegance and grace if it possesses old flavor.”[1] He’s precise but specific criticism vividly disclosed the conservative thought embedded in Chinese artist culture for a long time. After blaming for the lack of sufficient innovation in Chinese artistic creations, He Luting continued to denounce another extreme thinking – wholesale westernization – in the current musical scene. He asserted, “Since the western music has been imported into Chinese society, Chinese music has undergone a great change. Some composers completely despise Chinese music, accepting unconditionally the wholesale of westernization. On the contrary, the other composers attack western music fiercely, viewing it as a kind of barbarian music that is full of brutal dissonances. I believe that the both camps do not fully understand the real situation of Chinese music in the present time.”[2] As a Chinese composer, He Luting really understood that the continuous confrontation between these two opposite camps could not help improve the present predicament of Chinese music. The future of Chinese music was still gloom. He might think that what he learnt from his respectful teacher, Huang Zi, in National Conservatory of Music (NCM) about exploring a new type of Chinese music, perhaps, was a way out of the musical turmoil in the current time. As such, he wrote his first piano work, Buffalo Boy’s Flute, in the musical style of what NCM members greatly advocated for a few years.

  Indeed no one can step out of time into which one was born, as an artist or a composer.  It is neither an individual genius, nor the masses, nor the political, social, economic, religious factor singularly inaugurates a cultural environment in a particular place of a particular time.[3] The first few decades of the twentieth-century up to the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese War (1937-1945) was a great era for China in its socio-political dimension not only because it is a time when China was experiencing its westernized and modernized in all aspects, but also because it is an extraordinary time in its history as the Chinese individual could experience less authoritarian political control but more humanistic freedom in social and cultural dimensions. Although the warlords’ conquests led to great political insecurity and turmoil in many places, the lack of a powerful central authority, ironically, provided space a greater freedom of speech, thoughts and ideas in all aspects of society. Such kind of freedom has never been experienced in the recent history of modern China. When He Luting entered the NCM in Shanghai as a compositional student in 1931, the great era of China, he would not have known that his destiny as a Chinese new music forerunner was doomed to interweave with that of the new Chinese music.

待續………To Be Continued…..

David Leung (theorydavid)

2011-02-19 (published)

[1] He Luting’s criticism was published in the “Music Weekly (音樂周)” of Xinwanbao (新晚報) in December 11, 1934. See He Luting, “The Music Arts of Times (音樂藝術的時代性),” in The Anthology of Musical Essay of HeLuting (賀綠汀音樂論文選集) (Shanghai: Shanghai yishu chubanshe, 1981), 2.
[2] Ibid., 2.
[3] Curt Sachs, The Commonwealth of Art: Style in the Fine Arts, Music, and the Dance, (New York: Da Capo Press, 1990), 353.


中國音樂的現代化綜論 (3) — 香港現代音樂發展的里程埤

前言: 這篇文章接上篇討論民國初年發展起來的中國新音樂如何為香港現代音樂的發展帶來動力。香港雖是彈丸之地,但在國際上,她對現代音樂的貢獻卻是無可置疑的。香港的現代音樂,也像民國初年 (五四之後至1937 年中日戰爭開始時) 發展起來的中國新音樂一樣,表現出像中年美女帶有的絕代風華,千嬌百媚和風情萬種。這也因為香港的廣東傳統音樂正對峙著西方式的現代化 (western modernization) 衝激。我這篇文章,就是討論香港音樂早期現代化的發展,看它甚樣與中國的新音樂有著千絲萬縷的關係。敬請各同學留意,不要 copy-and-paste。但 idea 就不妨拿來參巧一下。

正文:
Affirming the value of Chinese folk tradition and linking it firmly with musical nationality, Huang Zi (黃自), Head of the Composition Department in NCM, wrote: “Some people make mistakes because they do not really understand that great art is a representation of our nation and society as a whole. The characteristics of our traditional music and folk songs are indeed an expression of our Chinese nationality. They, of course, shouldn’t be overlooked.”[1] Regarding the relationship between the new Chinese national music and folk tradition, Huang continues: “I reckon that it is natural for our Chinese national music to develop along this path [the path of the development of Musical Nationalism in Russia]. Neither a total copy of western music nor sticking to the old way will work. This is merely suicidal regarding the development of our national music. ….indeed what we should do is to learn and master the good western musical practices, applying them to reorganize our traditional and folk music in this proper way. By doing so, it is possible to create our new national music”.[2] Folk material then, from Huang’s view, is essential to the recreation of new music for modern China.

As we have seen, the new Chinese music (music in western-format) which both Xiao and Huang championed and Chinese folk tradition are intimately related. Interestingly, the initials of new Chinese music ‘NCM’ are the same as the acronym for the first music institution in China, the National Conservatory of Music, also ‘NCM’. The fact that ‘NCM’ (music) is originated from the NCM (conservatory) seems appropriate. Chang Chi-jen describing the development of this NCM (music) comments that, “It is not surprising to learn that the first generation of these native-trained graduates [of the NCM] were devoted overwhelmingly to western music, since almost all their teachers were European-trained Chinese.”[3] As a result, western music gradually became popular in the Chinese community. Music in general became synonymous with western music in many people’s minds.[4] With the support of the NCM, many western-trained local musicians and composers were nurtured and became zealously involved in the development of Xiao’s new national music, which was regarded as the authentic Chinese music, moving as it did from the traditional past towards future generations. Mutongduandi (牧童短笛 Buffalo Boy’s Flute), a solo piano work composed by He Luting of NCM, is one example of successful NCM (music) for its time.[5]
In my opinion, Xiao’s new Chinese music (western-format), which contains recognizable traditional elements, can be viewed as a creation of a musical tradition out of the past, yet stretching continuously to the future. In China’s modernization period, virtually all cultural spheres have been touched by the spirit of wholesale westernization and concomitantly ancient tradition was largely rejected. On the other hand, the new Chinese music has resisted such thorough wholesale westernization and so has never lost its traditionality. In this sense, it is unreasonable to include Xiao Youmei and his NCM fellows in the wholesale westernization party, as some scholars claim.[6] Furthermore, it is believeable that Xiao’s new Chinese music survived and continued to thrive in the modern Hong Kong’s musical scene when the New China was experiencing its political turmoil during Mao’s purge of the Anti-Rightist Campaign (1957) and the Cultural Revolution (1966-1976).
Acknowledging the continuation of Xiao’s new Chinese music in British colonial Hong Kong is crucial to our understanding of how the Chinese musical tradition can be preserved and recreated for the future development of Hong Kong contemporary music. Indeed ‘contemporary music’ is a rather vague and loosely defined term. It often refers to something at the present time. As time goes by, the meaning of contemporary music will shift. Xiao’s new Chinese music, music in western-format, was viewed as contemporary music at that time. To a certain extent, new music is new because it is created with a new technique and concept which is western musical style. It is not directly inherited and developed from the ancient Chinese music tradition. However, it is gradually becoming part of the vast Chinese music tradition and continues to develop now and into the future.
Despite the impact of musical globalization and ideas such as “music as international language”, on local composers writing music of international style, many composers still intentionally look back to the traditional past for inspiration. The ‘bottle’ of these creations is western, but the ‘wine’ is traditional. In this sense, they succeed in developing Xiao’s new Chinese music. Chinese thoughts, spirit, and sentiment are expressed in the form of recognizable Chinese traditional ‘content’, enhancing by western avant-garde compositional ‘manners’. The development of Hong Kong “New Chinese Music” , therefore, can be viewed as  spanning the historical period from China’s modernization  to that of Hong Kong.


[1] Huang Zi, “怎樣才可產生吾國民族音樂 (Ways to Produce Our National Music) 1934,” in Huang Zi yizuoji 黃自遺作集 (The Posthumous Essays Collection of Huang Zi),” Zhu shouzhong et al. ed. (Anhui: Anhui wenyichunbanshe, 1997), 56.
[2] Ibid., 56-57.
[3] Chang Chi-jen, “Alexander Tcherepnin: His Influence on Modern Chinese Music” (Doctoral thesis, Columbia University Teachers College, 1983), 24-26.
[4] Chang Chi-jen, “Alexander Tcherepnin,” 24-26.
[5] I shall discuss the traditionality of He Luting’s Mutongduandi in details in the next chapter.
[6] Some recent scholars include Xiao Youmei in the intellectual group who supported wholesale westernization. See He Xiaoping, “The Background Behind the Formation of Chinese Music Backwardness Theory (中國音樂落後論的形成背景),” Journal of Music Research, 2 (1993): 8.

To be continued…..待續………

David Leung (theorydavid)
2011-02-13 (published)

中國音樂的現代化綜論 (2) — 中國音樂現代化的先鋒–蕭友梅先生

前言: 這篇文章接上篇討論民國初年的中國音樂現代化的經過。明眼讀者一看就知道以下文筆是 Academic English,近似論文的寫作手法了。早前曾跟讀者談過陶傑所喜愛的一個中國歷史時代,也就是我所喜歡的同一年代 — 民國初年。我也曾說過,民國初年 (五四之後至1937 年中日戰爭開始時),就像一位風華絕代的中年美女,充滿使人感到醇醉的千嬌百媚和風情萬種。只因這個時代是中華民族在藝術文化音樂的各個領域裡經歷真正現代化的時期,或者,更應該說是對峙著西方式的現代化 (western modernization) 衝激。在音樂發展上,是中國傳統音樂接受西方音樂的洗禮的里程埤。我所談及的風韻醇醉,就是從這個音樂現代化開始。我這一系列文章,就是討論中國音樂的現代化的發展。其中各篇文章有的是以 Academic 英文寫成,也有用中文以隨筆方式寫成的。敬請各同學留意,不要 copy-and-paste。但 idea 就不妨拿來參巧一下。

New Chinese Music and Tradition (中國新音樂和傳統)

According to Maria Chow, modern China was zealously looking for a “new national musical style that, on the one hand could be dissociated from China’s imperial past and, on the other, would not be seen as western in spite of its being ‘modern’”.[1] A new, modern national music, powered by the advocacy of Xiao Youmei (蕭友梅 1884-1940) and his fellows such as Huang Zi from the National Conservatory of Music (NCM) in the first few decades of the twentieth-century, was exactly such music. It could be used not only to represent modern China but also to establish a new Chinese music tradition.

When discussing this new form of national music, Xiao provides a definition: “What is Guoyue (national music 國樂)? The music that expresses the spirit, thoughts and sentiment of Chinese people of a particular era can be regarded as Guoyue. Thus, the essences of Guoyue are Chinese spirit, thoughts and sentiment. The way to express such essences in music must be in accord with the trend of that particular era, as well as a composer’s personal predilection. There is no need to be confined to any particular instrument [western or ethnic instrument], or musical manner 樂曲形式.”[2] Xiao’s term ‘musical manner’ refers to the analysis of the three main factors of music: content, manner, and instrument. The essence of music lies in its “content – the expressive idea, emotion and mood of music. The manner of music, including melody, rhythm, harmony, and musical design, is its outer body. The musical instrument is only the tool to perform music.”[3]

In fact, Xiao’s idea of ‘western manner-Chinese content’ had already been germinating from his earlier days while he was pursuing the degree of Doctor of Philosophy at the University of Leipzig in Germany. The meanings of Chinese spirit and sentiment are elucidated in his thesis when he wrote, “The Chinese are a nation bestowed with rich musicality…..There will be a day that a unified notation and harmony system will finally be imparted and instituted. By then, the melodious Chinese traditional music will have a rebirth and turn into a new chapter, marching into a new era of brilliance and splendor. Under the premise of retaining its national sentiment and spirit, traditional music has been and will ever be a heritage among the Chinese people.”[4] Xiao believed that traditional music would be a valuable treasure for new Chinese music. And the national style (民族風格) lies in the “framework of a musical work”.[5] Chinese people would be able to preserve their own national character in musical content, even when the manner was western. Regarding this western ‘musical manner’, especially the theory of harmony, he further claimed that “the harmonic practice is not music itself. It is just the proper way of harmonizing a tune. We have to make use of this progressive theory of harmony to create our new music”.[6] Thus for Xiao, if the Chinese traditional music were reformed and renewed by applying the western compositional techniques, it would become the foundation of the new music for modern China.

From Xiao’s explanation, the relationship between music and nationality is similar to that of a bottle and its wine. While western technique is the bottle, the Chinese content is the wine. Since the overall trend of China’s modernization was in the spirit of wholesale westernization, it was natural for many composers to employ western techniques (the bottle) when they thought of new music. However, the problem lies in ‘Chinese content’ (the wine). What constitutes Chinese spirit, thought, and sentiment? How can they be expressed musically in a work? Ironically, to many local listeners, some Xiao’s compositional works sound more western than Chinese.

  During an interview for Music Monthly (音樂月) under the title “On Our New Music Movement”, Xiao
apparently had in mind the value of old traditional music when he said of the national quality of music: “…if
we desire to reform our traditional music or create our own Nationalistic School of Music, then we cannot
completely throw away our old traditional music.”[7] Xiao encouraged the collecting, rearranging and
harmonizing of the folk tunes,[8] reaffirming the value of Chinese traditional folk music. These, he believed,
were the keys in distinguishing the style of Chinese music from that of other countries.

待續….. To Be Continued…..… 

David Leung (theorydavid)

2011-02-10 (published)

[1] Maria M. Chow, “Representing China Musically: A Chinese Conservatory and China’s Musical Modernity 1900-1937” (PhD Dissertation, The University of Chicago, The Faculty of the Division of the Humanities, 2005), 27.
[2] Xiao Youmei, “復興國樂之我見 (Restoration of Our National Music) 1939,” in Xiao Youmei yinyuewenji蕭友梅音樂文集 (Collection of Musical Essays of Xiao Youmei), Chen Lingqun et al. ed. (Shanghai: Shanghai Yinyuechubanshe, 1990), 540.
[3] Ibid., 539.
[4] This citation is quoted from Xiao Youmei’s doctorial thesis, “中國音樂考 (A Research of Chinese Ancient Musical Instruments)”, written in the University of Leipzig, Germany in 1916. See Xiao Youmei, Xiao Youmei yinyuewenji蕭友梅音樂文集 (Collection of Musical Essays of Xiao Youmei), Chen Lingqun et al. ed. (Shanghai: Shanghai Yinyuechubanshe, 1990), 8.
[5] Xiao Youmei, “音樂家的新生活 (The New Life of Composers) 1934,” in Xiao Youmei yinyuewenji蕭友梅音樂文集 (Collection of Musical Essays of Xiao Youmei), Chen Lingqun et al. ed. (Shanghai: Shanghai Yinyuechubanshe, 1990), 381.
[6] Ibid., 381.
[7] Xiao Youmei, “On Our New Music Movement,” Music Monthly, vol. 1, 4 (1938). The article has been collected in Collection of Musical Essays of Xiao Youmei . See Xiao Youmei yinyuewenji蕭友梅音樂文集 (Collection of Musical Essays of Xiao Youmei), Chen Lingqun et al. ed. (Shanghai: Shanghai Yinyuechubanshe, 1990), 466.
[8] Ibid., 466.


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